“Why Martin Luther King, Jr.?” This
question, as asked by our parents'
generation (meaning, “Why did they have to kill this
powerful, eloquent catalyst of social unity and hope?”) will inevitably become the one asked by our
children, who will have experienced neither King nor those who were touched by
his voice and his actions (where it will mean, “Why have all fifty
states been celebrating his birthday as a human rights memorial since the year 2000?”).
If the children ask me, this is what
I will tell them:
“Martin Luther King, Jr., understood
how to connect human ideals to human actions, and how to communicate
that energy to other people with a clear and well-supported logic, a
vivid and desirable imagery, and an honest and practical
human face. He was not merely a cantor. Neither was he just a critic.
Rather, he was a leader, connecting everlasting human values to immediate and practicable principles. He was a teacher, helping people to coordinate their thinking/emotional minds with their acting/reflexive limbs in ways that felt really good in the heart, made real sense in the mind, and created visible change in life—song by song, step by step, city by city, and law by law. And he was a good man. He polished his patchworks of evidence, argument, and simple-wise catchphrases in public, and earned his influence by standing on the shoulders of revered scholars and philosophers and workers—appealing commonly to all factions of society, to unite everyone in a steady, nonviolent push toward realizing some basic values {trust, validation, belonging, purpose} in daily life.
Martin Luther King, Jr., believed that
every person alive in this world has a right to stand where there is
room enough, to grow where there is opportunity, and to belong equally with
every other person in society—contributing with their heart's
compass, their mind's map, and their will's fuel to a shared good.
From a thousand good wills—realized
in a thousand-times-a-thousand principled displays, show-and-telling a
million personal translations of a few shared values and goals—arises a
good society.”
*
In light of a newly released recording
(unearthed from the Pacifica Radio archives, a 62-minute MLK speech
recorded by Saul Bernstein in London, 7 December 1964) I'll let Dr,
King expound on those details; on the struggle of moving ourselves
from what is to what should be:
~ ON THE MYTHS THAT DELAY
~
POSITIVE SOCIAL ACTION
“They like to talk about the cultural
lag in the negro community. … But I think there is an answer to
that. And that is that there is cultural lag in the negro community,
and there certainly is. This lag is there because of segregation and
discrimination. It's there because of long years of slavery and
segregation. Criminal responses are not racial, but environmental.
Poverty, economic deprivation, social isolation, and all of these
things breed crime whatever the racial group may be. And it is a
torturous logic to use the
tragic results of
racial segregation as an argument for the continuation of it. And so
it is necessary to see this, and to go all-out to make economic
justice a reality all over our nation.
… Now I would like
to mention one or two ideas that circulate in our society/and –
they probably circulate in your society and all over the world –
that keep us from developing the kind of action programs necessary to
get rid of discrimination and segregation.
One
is what I refer to as the myth of time. There are those individuals
who argue that only time
can solve the problem of racial injustice … 'You've got to wait on
time.' And I know, they've said to us so often in the States and to
our allies in the white community, 'Just be nice and be patient and
continue to pray, and in a hundred to two hundred years the problem
will work itself out
[laughter].' We've heard and we've lived with the myth of time. The
only answer I can give to that myth is that time is neutral. It can
be used either constructively
or destructively. I must honestly say to you that I am convinced that
the forces of ill-will
have often used time much more effectively than the forces of
good-will. We may have to repent in this generation – not merely
for the vitriolic words and the violent actions of the bad
people, but for the appalling
silence and
indifference of the good
people, who sit around saying, 'Wait on time' … somewhere along the
way it is necessary to see that human progress never rolls in on the
wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts and
the persistent work of dedicated individuals who are willing to be
co-workers of God; and without this hard
work, time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social
stagnation.
And
so we must help time, and we must realize that the time is always
ripe to do right: this
is so vital, and this is so necessary.
Now
the other myth that gets around a great deal in our nation, and I'm
sure in other nations of the world, is the idea that you can't solve
the problems in the realm of human relations through legislation …
you've got to change the heart. We had a presidential candidate just
recently who spoke about this a great deal. And I think that mister
Goldwater sincerely believed that you couldn't do anything through
legislation because he voted against
everything in the senate [laughter], including the Civil Rights bill.
And he said all over the nation throughout the election that we don't
need legislation, that legislation can't deal with this problem. But
he was nice enough to say that you've got to change the heart.
Now, I want to at least go half way
with brother Goldwater, on that point I think he's right
– if we're gonna get this problem solved in America and all over
the world, ultimately people must change their hearts where they have
prejudices… And I'm sure that if the problem is going to be solved
ultimately, men must be obedient not merely to that which can be
enforced by the law, but they must rise to the majestic heights of
being obedient to the unenforcible.
But
after saying all of that I must go on to the other side. … It may
be true that you can't legislate integration, but you can legislate
desegregation; it may be true that morality cannot be legislated, but
behavior can be regulated; it may be true that the law can't change
the heart, but it can
restrain the heartless; it may
be true that the law can't make a man love
me, but it can restrain him from lynching
me/and I think that's pretty important also [laughter, applause].”
~ ON
THE PRINCIPLES OF LOVE AND NONVIOLENCE, ~
FOR ENGAGING
IN POSITIVE SOCIAL CHANGE
“Now
as you know, we have been engaged in the United States in a massive
struggle to make desegregation and finally integration a reality. And
in that struggle there has been an undergirding philosophy: the
philosophy of nonviolence; the philosophy and method of nonviolent
resistance.
And
I'd like to say just a few words about the method, or the philosophy,
that has undergirded our struggle. And first I want to say that I'm
still convinced that
nonviolence is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people
in their struggle for freedom and justice. It has a way of disarming
the opponent, exposing his moral defenses. It weakens his morale and
at the same time it works on his conscience, and he just—doesn't
know how to handle it. If he doesn't beat you, wonderful; if he beats
you, you develop the quiet courage of accepting blows without
retaliating. If he doesn't put you in jail, wonderful – nobody with
any sense loves to go to jail – but if he puts
you in jail, you go in that jail and transform
it from a dungeon of shame to a haven of freedom and human dignity.
Even if he tries to
kill you, you develop the inner conviction that there are some things
so dear, some things so precious, some things so eternally true, that
they are worth dying
for. And if a man has not discovered something that he will die for,
he isn't fit to live. And this [applause] is what the nonviolent
discipline says.
And
then the other thing about it is that it gives the individual a way
of struggling to secure moral ends through moral means. One of the
great debates of history has been over the whole question of ends and
means. And all the way back in the days of Plato's dialogs, coming on
up through Machiavelli and others, there have been those individuals
who argued that the end justifies the means. But in a real sense a
nonviolent philosophy comes along and says
that the end is pre-existent in
the means; the means represent the ideal-in-the-making and the
end-in-process. And so then, in the long run of history, immoral
means cannot bring about moral ends. Somehow, man must come to the
point that he sees the necessity of ends and means cohering,
so to speak.
And
this is one of the things that is basic in the nonviolent philosophy
at its best – it gives one a way
and a method of struggle, which says that you can seek to secure
moral ends through moral means.
It
also says that it is possible to struggle against an evil, unjust
system with all your might and with all your heart and even hate
that unjust system, and yet you maintain an attitude of active
good-will and understanding, and even love
for the perpetrators of that evil system.
And
this is the most misunderstood aspect of nonviolence. And this is
where those who don't want to follow the nonviolent method say a lot
of bad things to those of us who talk about 'love.' But … I'm not
talking about a weak
love. I'm not talking about emotional bosh here; I'm not talking
about some sentimental quality; I'm not talking about an affectionate
response. It would be nonsense to urge oppressed people to love their
violent oppressors in an affectionate
sense, and I have never advised
that. When Jesus said, 'Love your enemies,' I'm happy he didn't say
'like your enemies'—it's pretty difficult to like some people
[laughter]. But 'love' is greater than 'like'; love is understanding
creative, redemptive good-will for all
men. Theologians talk about this kind of love with the Greek word
'agape,' which is a sort of overflowing love that seeks nothing in
return. And when one develops this, you rise to the position of being
able to love the person who does
the evil deed while hating the deed
that the person does.
And I
believe that this can
be done.
Psychiatrists
are telling us now that hatred is a dangerous force, not merely for
the hated but also the hater. Many of the strange things that happen
in the subconscious, many of the inner conflicts, are rooted in hate.
And so they are saying 'love or perish.' … And so it is wonderful
to have a method of struggle where it is possible to stand up against
segregation, to stand up against colonialism, with all of your
might—and yet not hate the perpetrators of these unjust systems. …
If the United
Kingdom and the United States decided tomorrow morning not to buy
South African goods, not to buy South African gold, to put an embargo
on oil; if our own investors and capitalists would withdraw their
support for the racial tyranny that we find there, then apartheid
would be brought to an end. [applause] Then the majority of South
Africans of all races could at last build the shared society they
desire. …
You know there are
certain words in every academic discipline that soon become
stereotypes and cliches; every academic discipline has its technical
vocabulary. Modern psychology has … the word 'maladjusted.' …
certainly we all want to live well-adjusted lives in order to avoid
neurotic and schizophrenic personality. But I must say to you this
evening, my friends, as I come to a close, that there are some things
in my own nation and there are some things in the world [to] which
I'm proud to be maladjusted …
I never intend to
become adjusted to segregation, discrimination, colonialism, and
these particular forces; I must honestly say to you that I never
intend to adjust myself to religious bigotry; I must honestly say to
you that I never intend to adjust myself to economic conditions that
will take necessities from the many to give luxuries to the few.
I
must say to you tonight that I never intend to become adjusted to the
madness of militarism and the self-defeating effects of physical
violence—for in a day when Sputniks and Explorers are dashing
through outer space, and guided ballistic missiles are carving
highways of death through the stratosphere, no nation can win a war.
It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence; it is
either nonviolence or nonexistence. ...
You
see, it may well be that our whole world is in need, at this time,
for the new organization – the International Association for the
Advancement of Creative Maladjustment; [laughter] men and women
[applause] Men and women who will be … as maladjusted as the late
Abraham Lincoln, the great president of our nation, who had the
vision to see that the United States could not survive half-slave and
half-free; as maladjusted as Thomas Jefferson, who in the midst of an
age amazingly adjusted to slavery could etch across the pages of
history words lifted to cosmic proportions, 'We hold these truths to
be self-evident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with
certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness'; as maladjusted as Jesus of Nazareth, who
could say to the men and women of his day, 'He who lives by the sword
will perish by the sword.'
And
through such maladjustment, we will be able to emerge from a long and
desolate midnight of man's inhumanity to man, into the bright and
glittering daybreak of freedom and justice. … I still
believe that mankind will rise up to the occasion. In spite of the
darkness of the hour, in spite of the difficulties of the moment, in
spite of these days of emotional tension when the problems of the
world are gigantic in extent and chaotic in detail, I still have
faith in the future. And I still believe that we can build this
society of brotherhood and this society of peace.”
~A REMINDER GOING FORWARD,
~
FOR PERSISTENCE
“We have a song that we sing in our
movement, and we have joined hands to sing it so often beyond behind
jail bars … 'We shall overcome, we shall over come. Deep in my
heart, I do believe—we shall overcome.' And somehow I believe that
mankind will overcome, and I believe that the forces of evil
will be defeated.
I believe this because [Thomas]
Carlyle is right, 'No lie can live forever'; I believe that we shall
overcome because William Cullen Bryant is right, 'Truth crushed to
earth will rise again'; I believe that we shall overcome because
James Russell Lowell is right, 'Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong
forever on the throne'—yet that scaffold sways a future, and behind
the damn unknown standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above
his own./ With this faith, we will be able to adjourn the counsels of
despair and bring new light into the dark chambers of pessimism; with
this faith, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy
into a creative psalm of peace and brotherhood;/with this faith, we
will be able to speed up the day when all of God's children – black
men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics,
Hindus and Muslims, theists and atheists will be able to join hands
and sing in the words of the old negro spiritual: 'Free at last, free
at last. Thank God a'mighty, I'm free at last.'
We have a long, long way to go before
this problem is solved. But, thank God, we've made strides; we've
come a long, long way. So I close by quoting the words of an old
negro slave preacher, who didn't quite have his grammar and diction
right, but who uttered words of great symbolic profundity: 'Lord, we
ain't what we wanna' be; we ain't what we aughta' be; we ain't what
we gonna be. But, thank God, we ain't what we was.'
Thank you.”
Martin Luther King, Jr. – 7 December
1964, London.